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21969: Esser: Haiti Update XI: Rebuilding (fwd)




From: D. Esser torx@joimail.com

Africana
http://www.africana.com

May 19, 2004

Haiti Update XI: Rebuilding

Haiti's problems extend beyond race politics. They are essentially
socio-economic.
By Avi Steinberg

In both the cities and the countryside, this is a bad season for
Haiti's poorest. As already horrible conditions worsen, Haitian
interim Prime Minister Gιrard Latortue has been busy traveling to the
United States and then to France, carrying this message: Haiti needs
funds quickly. The US pledged $40 million in addition to the $55
million it has already promised; France will pitch in less than that.
All of this followed by an historic visit by France.

Of course, race alone does not account for Haiti's turmoil — but it
is an essential element in the mix. The question of how this money
will be allocated remains open. The US has decided to meet with
wealthy businesspeople from South Florida's Haitian community to
discuss how best to spend this money. This is the first time the US
has actually asked these people what their country's needs are. While
this is a step in the right direction, it is not enough. The
recommendations of Haiti's wealthy class of — let's remember that
Latortue himself is a member of this Florida community — are
essential to the rebuilding of the country, but ultimately mostly
self-serving. The people who need the most help are the majority of
the country, the impoverished and starving masses. Their concerns are
being ignored and their representatives — the Lavalas Party are being
silenced.

This Tuesday, a large Lavalas demonstration is planned. The size of
the demonstration will reflect, not how much popular support remains
for the party, but how much the populace feels free to express its
support for Lavalas. The current government campaign of arresting
Lavalas people, a campaign that has intensified in the days leading
up to the demonstration — is intended to strike fear in the hearts of
Haiti's impoverished majority; it is aimed to keep people off the
streets. If this week the peoples' anger, frustration and hunger
don't outweigh their fear of government reprisals, next week or next
month or next year it will. In the meantime, Latortue can count on
foreign troops for cover — but he knows this is only temporary.

During his trip to the US, Latortue chided black Americans for their
vociferous criticism of him and for their pledges of support for
Aristide. He accused these critics of placing US "black power"
interests over the interests of Haiti. This claim is remarkable in
that it completely denies the existence of Haiti's racialized
politics, characterizing this reality as some self-serving
African-American myth. Even if he thinks it so, a majority of his own
country would disagree with him. So who's making self-serving claims?

But Latortue is correct that Haiti's problems extend beyond race
politics. They are essentially socio-economic. It is his refusal — or
worse, his inability — to understand the nexus between race, politics
and poverty in Haiti that raises serious concerns about his ability
to lead Haiti. In the absence of this type of understanding, Latortue
does exactly what he accuses his critics of doing: he makes race
alone the issue. Of course, race alone does not account for Haiti's
turmoil — but it is an essential element in the mix. Regardless of
his problems, Aristide understood this dynamic much better than
Latortue and spoke in a language that made sense to majority of the
population.

While the Haitian refugee crisis in Jamaica worsens at least one
refugee in Jamaica will find a new home. South Africa has given the
green light for deposed President Aristide to take up residence
within its borders. Critics within South Africa opposed this decision
on the grounds that South Africa of all places should not grant
asylum to a known human rights abuser. But South Africa's recently
reelected government has rejected these arguments and will soon
welcome Aristide. Aristide's presence in South Africa will
undoubtedly raise the profile of his continued struggle and will help
establish him as the victimized black leader of the oppressed who
stood up and continues to stand up to the world's white imperialist
bullies (and their wealthy lackeys in Haiti).

As usual in politics, there are elements of truth to this
characterization and, at the same time, there are a number of
not-quite-truths. But what cannot be denied is that a vast underclass
of Haiti is groaning under the oppression of poverty and that these
people looked to Aristide because he spoke their language and, in
some sense, looked like them. This isn't a fabrication of race
warriors in the US and South Africa — it is the experience of
millions of Haitians. Latortue ignores this experience at his own
peril.


About the Author

Avi Steinberg is a freelance writer living in Boston. After studying
American foreign policy at Harvard, he received a fellowship in
2002-3 to live in Jerusalem and study international conflict. He is
on staff at Transition Magazine.
.